This is to certify that ARATRIK DAS, student of BA LL. B (Hons. ), I semester has successfully completed the Dissertation on the project titled “THE ANTI-PARTITION MOVEMENT: An Effort To Understand The behavior, charectar and backgroud of the movement under my guidance and supervision is an original work of student and is being submitted in partial fulfillment for the award of Integrated BA LL. B (Hons. ) from University of Petroleum and Energy Studies for the requirement of the course of study w. e. f. August 2012-2017.
This report has not been submitted earlier to University of Petroleum and Energy Studies or any other University/Institute for the fulfillment of the requirement of the course of study. Also no part of this project may be used an reproduced by other, either accidentally or commercially without the written consent of author and his/her mentor/supervisor. Signature of StudentSignature of Supervisor ARATRIK DAS Place: Dehradun, Uttarakhand. Date: DECLARATION We, hereby declare that this report is the work of my research done on the topic ANTI-PARTITION MOVEMENT: An Effort To Understand The behavior, charectar and backgroud of the movement
. This report herein pertains to the study I have carried out, along with the support of my mentor, Dr. Vinita Singh. I have put utmost care and enthusiasm in preparing the same and thus hold that the data reported is true and valid to my knowledge. Thanking You. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION PLAN OF PARTITION MOTIVE OF THE PARTITION REACTION TO THE PARTITION ANTI-PARTITION MOVEMENT REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY SWADESHI BOYCOTT NATIONAL EDUCATION SPREAD OF SWADESHI MOVEMENT ACROSS INDIA IMPACT OF SWADESHI MOVEMENT CRITICSM OF THE MOVEMENT EXTREMIST PHRASE SURAT SPLIT
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ANNULMENT OF THE PARTITION INTRODUCTION The early twentieth century were stormy. This was the time when the greatest disaster in history took place. The political scenario has undergone a change. The British began to feel a little uncomfortable. The simmering discontent. Political discontent has been growing due to the government’s inability to organize effective relief during the plague and famine. To stem the discontent, the British played political asset with great aplomb. For the first time, they used their political divide and conquer game with great force.
From 1870, the British began to encourage Hindus and Muslims to form their own political parties to establish their distinct religious identities. This was perhaps the beginning of the municipalization of the policy. Colombia is not only encouraged the two communities to form political parties along religious lines, they have taken several positive steps to create a situation in which Hindus and Muslims would be forced to think of a way that if their identity religion is in peril. This effort led to the partition of Bengal in 1905.
West Bengal, Orissa and Bihar was on one side and the former East Bengal and Assam was on the other. The score was made along communal lines. This score gave impetus to the religious divide and, as a result of this, All India Muslim League and All India Hindu Mahasabha was formed. Both organizations aim to inflame communal passions. BACKGROUND Partition of Bengal in 1905 made ?? October 16 in the Viceroyalty of Lord Curzon (1899-1905), proved to be a momentous event in the history of modern Bengal. The idea of partition of Bengal did not start with Curzon.
Bengal, which included Bihar and Orissa since 1765, was certainly much too large for a single province of British India. The first province became too large for efficient administration and required reorganization and smart division. The Lieutenant Governor of Bengal had to administer an area 189,000 square miles and in 1903 the population of the province increased to EUR 78. 50 million. Therefore, many districts in eastern Bengal were virtually ignored because of isolation and lack of communication that has made ?? good governance almost impossible.
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Calcutta and its neighboring districts attracted all the energy and attention of the government. The condition of the peasants was miserable in the tax absentee landlords, and trade, commerce and education has been compromised. The administrative machinery of the province was under-staffed. Especially in East Bengal, in the campaign to cut by rivers and streams, no attention has been paid to the special difficulties of police work until the last decade of the 19th century. Organized piracy in the waterways had existed for at least a century.
With administrative difficulties, the problems of famine, defense or language had at one time or another asked the government to consider the redefinition of administrative boundaries. Ad hoc efforts have been made ?? to reorganize the administrative units of Bengal. In 1836, the upper provinces were sliced ?? out of Bengal and placed under a Lieutenant Governor. In 1854, the Governor General in Council was relieved of the direct administration of Bengal was placed under a Lieutenant Governor. At the time it took Curzon partition scheme Bengal three long years to reach maturity.
To follow the course of its development, we can mention the masterful summary of Sumit Sarkar given in his The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal: “After the Orissa famine of 1866, Sir Stafford Northcote has suggested a reduction in the size of the great Bengal Presidency (which included, besides the good Bengal, the entire Bihar, Orissa and Assam) for reasons of administrative efficiency in 1874 Assam (along with Sylhet) was severed from Bengal to form a Chief Commissioner and in 1898 Lushai Hills were added to it.
Proposals for partitioning Bengal were first considered in 1903. Initial pension Curzon was on grounds of administrative efficiency. It was probably during the noisy demonstrations and adverse reaction to the initial plan, the first officials considered the potential benefits of divided Bengal. Originally, the division was made ?? on geography rather than a communal basis openly. “Political considerations” in this regard seems to have been a “coup”. The government’s argument is that the partition of Bengal was purely an administrative measure with three main objectives.
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First, he wanted to relieve the government of Bengal part of the administrative burden and ensure a more efficient management in the suburbs. Second, the government seeks to promote the development of Assam back (headed by a Chief Commissioner) by extending its jurisdiction to provide an outlet to the sea Third, the government felt it was urgent to unite the various sections of the population speaking Uriya under one administration. There were other proposals to separate Chittagong and the districts of Dhaka (then Dacca) and Mymensigh Bengal and Assam to attach.
Similarly Chhota Nagpur should be removed from Bengal and integrated with the central provinces. The government’s proposals were officially released in January 1904. In February 1904, Curzon made ?? an official tour of the eastern districts of Bengal to assess public opinion on the government’s proposals. He consulted the main personalities of the various districts and speeches at Dhaka, Chittagong and Mymensigh explaining the government’s position on the partition. It was during this visit that the decision to move from an expanded system possessed his mind.
This would involve the creation of a new autonomous province under a Lieutenant Governor in the Legislative Council, an independent authority funding and transfer of territory as would justify a fully equipped administration. The expanded program has received the consent of the Government of Assam and Bengal. The new province would be in the state of Hill Tripura, the Divisions of Chittagong, Dhaka and Rajshahi (excluding Darjeeling) and the district of Malda amalgamated with Assam. Bengal was to not only make these vast territories in the East, but also to give the central provinces of the five states Hindi language.
To the west, it would gain Sambalpur and a minor extent of five states Uriya French central provinces. Bengal would be left with an area of 141. 580 square miles and a population of 54 million, of which $ 42 million would be Hindus and 9 million Muslims. The new province was to be called ‘East Bengal and Assam “with its capital at Dhaka and subsidiary headquarters at Chittagong. It will cover an area of 106. 540 square miles with a population of 31 million, including 18 million Muslims and 12 million Hindus.
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His administration would consist of a Legislative Council, a board of Revenue of two members, and the jurisdiction of the Calcutta High Court would be left standing. The government has stressed that the new province would have a clearly demarcated western boundary and well defined geographical, ethnological, linguistic and social characteristics. The most striking feature of the new province was that it will focus on its own limits the population of Bengal hitherto ignored and neglected typical homogenous Muslim.
Moreover, the entire tea industry (except Darjeeling), and most of the jute growing area would be placed under a single administration. The Indian government has issued a final decision in a resolution dated 19 July 1905 and the partition of Bengal was carried out on October 16 of the same year. MAP SHOWING PARTITON OF BENGAL INDIAN MAP AT THE TIME OF THE PARTITION THE PARTITON : Lord Curzon, Viceroy of India has decided to partition Bengal for administrative purposes, the creation of a new province of East Bengal and Assam, with a population of 31 million and its capital Dhaka.
The (Ganges) Brahmaputra and Padma physically defined the first partition of Bengal. East Bengal prospered, Dhaka assumed its former status as capital and Chittagong became an important port Sea. Given below is the proclamation of the partition : Governor general is pleased to establish territories currently under the administration of the Chief Commissioner of Assam for e t re for the Indian Councils Act of 1861 … a province the provisions of this Act relating to the e the aboration of laws and e g Parliaments for peace and good order of pr e s idences Fort St.
George and Bombay is applicable and direct that the said province shall e t re call e and known as the province of East Bengal and Assam …. Governor general in Council is pleased to declare the day of October 1905 as the perioud during which these provisions come into force and 15 as the number of advisors that the Lieutenant Governor may from e s igner for his help in the aboration laws and parliaments. Governor general in Council is further pleased to e c larer and name in the constitution of the said province of East Bengal and Assam, the districts of Dhaka, Mymensingh, Faridpur, Backergunge, Tippera, Noakhali, Chittagong,
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Chittagong Hill Tracts, Rajashahi, Dinajpur, Jalpaiguri , Rangpur, Bogra, Pabna, and Malda which now form part of the division of Bengal Pr e s idence Fort William cease to be submitted or included within this division, and shall will be submitted and included within the Lieutenant Governor of the Province of East Bengal and Assam. The reason behind the partition which has been officially announced, it is the province of Bengal was too large to be managed by a single governor and was therefore shared the administrative purpose.
But the real reason behind the partition was political and not administrative. East Bengal was dominated by Muslims and Hindus in West Bengal. Partition was yet another part of the “divide and rule” policy. The following excerpts from the letter of February 2, 1905 Curzon St. John Brodrick, Secretary of State for India, give an idea of ?? its objectives in the partition of Bengal “Calcutta is the center from which the Congress Party is manipulated throughout Bengal, and even the whole of India.
His best shooters son and its most frothy orators all reside here. ‘s Perfection their machines, and the tyranny that allows him to exercise are truly remarkable They dominate public opinion in Calcutta. they affect the High Court, which frighten the local government, and they are sometimes not without serious influence on the Government of India. Their whole activity is directed towards the creation of a powerful organization they may one day be able to force a weak government to give them what they want.
Any action accordingly which divide the Bengali-speaking population, which would allow independent centers of activity and influence grow, which would dethrone Calcutta from its place as the center of the plot successful, or would weaken the influence of the lawyer class, who have the entire organization in their hands, is intensely and deeply felt by them. The outcry will be loud and very fierce, but as a native man said: – “My countrymen always howl until something is settled, then they accept it. ” The partition of Bengal was the largest in the reign of Lord Curzon event.
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It was done mainly for reasons of administrative convenience. Bengal at the time was the largest province of India extends to 1, 89, 000 square miles with a population of 80 million. It was composed of Bengal, Behar and Orissa and was under the center of a lieutenant governor. After Lord Curzon took over as Governor General of India the debate on partition started due to the following problems: 1. Vastness of the province: The province was spread on the surface of 1, 89, 000 square miles with a population of 80 million, which was too large to be managed by a Lieutenant Governor.
He could not make a turn for the entire province due to its vastness both in its mandate. 2. Limited sources of communication: communication sources in the provinces have been limited due to rivers and forests. The rule of law and order of the provinces was also worse because of the lack of policy and management in-effective. Therefore, the need to partition the province was considered jointly. 3. Unlike the language: There were also differences between languages ?? and civilization native of West Bengal and East Bengal.
The natives of West Bengal considered themselves superior in civilization resident of East Bengal. The condition required for the division of provinces. 4. Need of the time: The division of Bengal was the need of time to develop trade in East Bengal and promote the port of Chittagong, which could be done by dividing the provinces. 5. Partition: The partition of Bengal was thus calculated to restore the effectiveness of government and administration on the one hand and encouraged local initiatives for the progress and development of the other.
Lord Curzon partitioned Bengal and formed two new provinces of manageable size – East and West Bengal. East Bengal consisted of Dhaka Mamansingh, Assam, Kaula, Rangpur and Bogra district, the Dhaka was the capital of East Bengal was a Muslim majority province, while Bihar and Orissa constituted a separate province of be called as West Bengal with the capital of Calcutta and become the Hindu-majority provinces. ACTUAL MOTIVE OF THE PARTITION The main reason for the partition was purely political. Hindus were in a better position in terms of economic status, professional qualifications, etc, as Muslims.
During the pre-Sepoy Mutiny, Section Hindu traders greatly helped the British while their Muslim counterparts do not. The British were angry. With the widespread Hindu Western education is a great way, but Muslims could not. A sense of deprivation crept in. Maybe the feeling of deprivation was designed. When discontent grew in the beginning of this century, the British capitalized on this feeling of deprivation. A sense of inferiority was there. The British simply add fuel to the fire. Suddenly, the two communities have become aware of their religious identity.
The net result is the partition of Bengal. The trigger score is still healing. But if the administration was only terconnections power structures and governance speakers, Bengali critics of the regime were quick to respond to local, provincial, and every Indian.? Yet, for allthere was no reason for new provinces may not have knowledge of the literature, a crucial restwas carved out of the large, unexplained non Bengali language: namely, the ideological content of basepeople of Orissa and Bihar rather than division nationalism itself, “a sense of national solidarityAppropriate Bengal.
The real motives behind the govern-against imperialism, political and economic foreign. Ment plan was not difficult to see: first, to divide the force that was contrary to the interests of the population Troublesome Bengalis of Calcutta from the issue of the Indian subcontinent “a feeling that Bengalis of eastern districts, and second, to pro-“could not be reduced to a catalog of rivalry be- promote the interests, and thus courting the favor of interpolation and Indians vying for government patron large Muslim population of East Bengal as a com-age “3.
Even within Marxist historiography, there is hardly a Munal counterweight to the great Hindu majority new observation that the actual content of nationalist “Educated middle class” that dominated the vivid political ideologies can not simply be inferred from the competition tics of the region} Communalism Communalism plays a key role in the analysis of the true nature of riots between Hindus and Muslimsin Bengal in 1906 and 1907, after an unsuccessful attempt was made ??
by the British Government to divide Bengal in 1905 and also to analyze the subsequent policy developments that led to the founding of the Muslim League in 1906 and Ulti- ron in the partition of India in 1947. To understand the socio-political impact of the partition of Bengal in 1906, firstly im- pressure of “communitarianism” arouses our attention. Communalism found different interpretations through the ages. But the basic idea remains more or less the same. “The term” communitarianism “..
refers to the tendency of people to perceive their interests as identical to those of their religious group, the tendency to re- gard the values ?? and activities of members of other religious groups foreign or hostile, the trend of religion in determining political affiliation tion, the trend of group conflicts occur between members of different religious communities “- John Mclane R (partition of Bengal in 1905: A Political analysis).
Even today to scrutinize the problems of discrimination called common India, an account of the most recent term as interpreted in recent times, is important cant.
“The term is widely used in the Indian context to describe the mutual hostility between communities based on religion “- Jaya Chatterjee (BengaI Divided).
These definitions are more relevant today when it seems that the people of the land have not learned from their past mistakes and are ready to run into the same difficulty water that their people did in the early 1900’s. Relation between Hindus and Muslims in Bengal before 1900 But the scenario is not always the same. Before 1906 conflict between Hindus and Muslims in Bengal was rarely seen in relation to other states of
India. There were reports stray incidents of cow-slaughter festivals, religious and social repre- tion of advisory and statutory organizations, education and self-government job, but they remained only small friction, but never caused a large com- internal discord. Muslim society in general before 1906 was a step back, full of discrimination tions between them, divided into classes based on social and economic stand- points. Muslims of the lower classes were despised by elite Muslims and so- Social contact was avoided as much as possible.
In retrospect, the Muslim elite had more in common with the wealthy Muslim underclass Hindu upper class. Despite contacts overnight, there was almost no way of integration between Hindus and Muslims. Therefore, ignorance and indifference prevailed. No awareness effort was made ?? by one of the two communities to understand and pathise with sym other mode of life inherent, features and cultures. In addition, the attitudes of many religious and community Hindus Mus- LIMS has no means of communication between the two impossible.
Perhaps the greater discrimination lie in the field of government jobs, educational opportunities and agrarian opportunities. Although no obvious hostility was in view for all by- particular person, a general dislike for Muslims still brewed in the spirit of the Hin- due because they were one-time leaders. Stories were heard and spread over Muslim domination and oppression on the one hand, and the Hindu heroic rebellion against them another. Consequently, such a passive hostility is natural. But what was the situation tion, co-existence more or less peaceful between Hindus and Muslims was always assisted in Bengal before partition.
Steps to partition Bengal at the time of Lord Curzon was the largest and most populous province not capable of being governed by a single person, or the discs official races. Thus, in 1903, a It has been proposed to separate Chittagong Division and the districts of Dhaka and Mymensingh Bengal and add with the province of Assam. This proposal met with overwhelming opposition from all strata of society, rich land lords and landless poor, political leaders and labor classes and both Hindus and Muslims.
The protest meetings, processions, brochures and widely expressed opinion of the general public newspaper articles opposing even the idea of separating people by geographical boundaries. During his tour in East Bengal, Curzon witnessed the people’s solidarity Bengal, the center of nationalism in India. The only way to guarantee the British Regime NEAP was the bud of nationalism and to do this, the sense of solidarity among Bengali people must be crushed. In East Bengal, the Muslim large rear- ity pose no danger to the British as the new privileges granted to them make them loyal to the British government.
At the same time, Bengal Bengalis cease to be a majority after that it would be tied with Bihar and Orissa. Cal- cutta, the center of the new nationalism found lose its importance as Bengali Hindus with their advanced political consciousness will be a minority in the new province of Bengal. Thus in 1905, the British decided to redraw the boundaries of Bengal and halved parts: West Bengal, with a population of 54 million, of which $ 42 million would Hindus and 9 million Muslims in Calcutta as its capital, and Bengal and East Assam with a population of 31 million, 18 million are Muslim and 12 million Hindus in Dhaka as their capital.
The land must be transferred from Bengal the new province was composed of the districts of Chittagong and Dhaka divisions, those of Rajshahi division except Darjeeling and Malda district. Curzon sent the scheme in London in February 1905. It was sanctioned by the Secretary- silence of State for India, St. John Brodrich in June, and the announcement of the for- tion of the new province was released in July 20, 1905. The province of Bengal LORD CURZON George Curzon was the eldest son of Baron Curzon. It was perhaps the most important British politician in modern times has failed in his quest to become Prime Minister.
He was born in 1859 and proved to be a brilliant student. Curzon was an ambitious man who tended to see problems in clear terms. He took strong positions and rarely recognize common ground. He became a force in the Conservative Party and served as Viceroy of India. He introduced reforms angry Lord Kitchner – Chief of the British army in India. It was at that time a strong supporter of the Empire and the imperial mission of Great Britain. Interestingly, today it is best known for expanding the Western knowledge of Indian art, archeology and literature.
Before and after World War I, he led the fight against women’s suffrage, which is part of the reason he never achieved his goal of becoming Prime Minister. George was a brilliant student. He attended the prestigious Eton public (private) school. At Eton College, he won a record number of academic awards. He entered the University of Oxford in 1878. He was elected president of the Oxford Union in 1880 – a great honor. Although George did not win first, he was named a Fellow of All Souls College in 1883. The Marquis of Salisbury in November 1891 appointed Curzon as his Secretary of State for India.
Curzon lost this position when Earl of Rosebery formed a Liberal government in 1894. The general elections of 1895, the Conservative Party returned to power. Curzon was given the post of Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Three years later, the Marquess of Salisbury was granted the title Baron Curzon of Kedleston, and appointed Viceroy of India. Once in India, Curzon introduced a series of reforms sweeping the British civil service and in India. He also angered Lord Kitchener, who had taken command of the Indian Army in 1902. Lord Curzon was one of the largest of the British viceroys.
He was a seasoned politician and very young, only 40 at the time of his appointment. He was an energetic and capable. His understanding of Asian business was better than another British government of the time. He understood the Indian problems and answers to most of them. Its purpose was to strengthen the British Empire in India. The reforms were very wide, too popular to assess in detail ant here. Many, such as measures to deal with the plague and protect farmers were of great benefit to the Indians Imperialist until his fingertips Curzon was the hope of rising imperialist wing of the Conservative Party.
In his student years as president of the Oxford Union, he earned the doggerel: My name is George Nathaniel Curzon, I am a superior person, My cheek is pink, my hair is smooth, I dine at Blenheim once a week. For a man like Churchill – another bird of the same feather, but in a lighter shade, not from conviction, but for convenience – which belonged to the same party, Curzon was one of those “upper Oxford pedants” for that democracy, even the Tory variety, was anathema. . A measure to divide Bengal was very unpopular.
It was at that time a strong supporter of the Empire and the imperial mission of Great Britain. Interestingly, today it is best known for expanding the Western knowledge of Indian art, archeology and literature. One of these reforms was to preserve the Indian archaeological treasures. His numerous reforms disrupted many British leaders whose main interest was to maintain the established order with a minimum of local agitation. The new Conservative leader, Arthur Balfour, began to question the judgment of Curzon. Curzon in 1905 was forced out of office. REACTION TO THE PROPOSAL
The publication of the original proposals by the end of 1903, had aroused unprecedented opposition, especially among the influential educated middle-class Hindus. The proposed territorial adjustment seemed to touch the existing interest groups and consequently led to fierce opposition. The lawyers of Calcutta apprehended that the creation of a new province would mean the creation of a Court of Appeal in Dhaka and to diminish the importance of their own High Court. Journalists feared the emergence of local newspapers, which would limit the flow of Calcutta Press.
The business community of Calcutta visualized the movement of commerce from Calcutta to Chittagong, which is closer, and logically the cheapest port. The Zamindars who owned large estates in both the west and east Bengal foresaw the need to maintain separate institutions in Dhaka which could result in additional costs. Educated Bengali Hindus felt that this was a deliberate blow inflicted by Curzon in the national consciousness and the growing solidarity of the Bengali-speaking population of people.
The Hindus of Bengal, which controlled much of the trade in Bengal and the various professions and directed rural society, said that the Bengali nation would be divided, making them a minority in a province, including the whole of Bihar and Orissa. They complained that it was a veiled attempt by Curzon to strangle the spirit of nationalism in Bengal. They firmly believed that it was the main purpose of the Government to encourage the growth of a Muslim power in Eastern Bengal as a counterweight to thwart the rise rapid of the Hindu community educated.
Economic, political and community interests together to intensify the opposition to the measure of the partition. The Indian and specially the Bengali press against the decision of the score from the beginning. The British press, the Anglo-Indian press and even some administrators also opposed the proposed measure. The score evokes strong protests in West Bengal, especially in Calcutta and gave a new boost to Indian nationalism. Now, the Indian NATIONAL Congress was destined to become the main platform of the Indian nationalist movement.
He exposes the strength and unusual vigor and went from a pressure group of the middle class to a mass nationwide organization. The direction of the Indian national Congress saw the partition as an attempt to “divide and rule” and as evidence of the vindictive antipathy of the Government towards the bhadralok outspoken intellectuals. Mother Goddess worshipping Hindu Bengali believes that the score reverted to vivisection of their ‘province of the mother ‘. «» Band-Mataram ‘ (Hail Fatherland) almost became the Indian national anthem of the national Congress.
Defeat of the partition became the immediate target of bengali nationalism. Agitation against the partition is manifested in the form of mass meetings, rural unrest and a SWADESHI movement to boycott the importation of British manufactured goods. Swadeshi and Boycott were weapons binoculars of this nationalism and Swaraj (independence) its main objective. Swaraj was first mentioned in the presidential speeches of Dadabhai Naoroji as the objective of the Congress session Calcutta in 1906. Leaders like SURENDRANATH BANERJEA and journalists such as Krishna
Kumar Mitra, Director of the Sanjivani (13 July 1905) have urged people to boycott British products, observe mourning and breaking contact with official bodies. At a meeting in Calcutta 7 August 1905 (acclaimed as the birth of Indian nationalism) a resolution to refrain from buying British products as long that “the partition resolution is not withdrawn” has been accepted successfully. This national spirit has been popularized by the patriotic songs of DWIJENDRALAL ROY, RAJANIKANTA SEN and RABINDRANATH TAGORE. Comme with other political movements of the day this also made a religious connotation.
S Puja were offered to underline the solemnity of the occasion. The Hindu religious fervour reaches its peak on September 28, 1905, the day of the Mahalaya, the day of new moon before the puja, and thousands of Hindus gathered at the Kali temple in Calcutta. In Bengal, the cult of Kali, Consort of Shiva, had always been very popular. She possessed a two-dimensional character with attributes involved in both generators and destructive. Simultaneously, she took great pleasure in bloody sacrifices, but it was also revered as the great mother associated with the design of the Bengal as the homeland.
This design provides a solid foundation for the support of the political objectives stimulated by the religious excitement. Kali has been accepted as a symbol of the homeland, and the priest administers the Swadeshi vow. Such religious flavor could and should give the movement a widespread appeal among the Hindu masses, but at the same time that the flavor has aroused hostility in Muslim minds average. Gatherings of huge protest before and after the division of Bengal on October 16, 1905 has attracted millions of people previously not involved in politics.
The Swadeshi movement as an economic movement would have been perfectly acceptable for Muslims, but the movement has been used as a weapon against the partition (of which the largest body of made Muslims support) and as he often had a religious colouring added, he antagonized the Muslim minds The new tide of national sentiment against the Partition of Bengal originating in Bengal spilled over into different regions in India Punjab, Central Provinces, Poona, Madras, Bombay and other cities.
Instead of wearing foreign made outfits, the Indians vowed to use only swadeshi (indigenous) cottons and other clothing materials made in India. Foreign garments were viewed as hateful imports. The Swadeshi Movement soon stimulated local enterprise in many areas; from Indian cotton mills to match factories, glassblowing shops, iron and steel foundries. The agitation also generated increased demands for nat
