How could the implementation of the four principles Boutros-Ghali articulated in Agenda for Peace have avoided the first Battle for Mogadishu? The First battle of Mogadishu took place in 1993 as a result of increased tension over the conquest to create ‘Greater Somalia’ that led up to the battle. These tensions were escalated by the ensuing power struggles that were happening in Somalia between the existing rebel groups of Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF), Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM) and Somali Democratic Movement (SDM) and the United Somali Congress (USC) which later divided into two groups.
Then increasing loss of life prompted foreign intervention under Operation Restore Hope, however when the foreign intervention turned militant it led to the battle between the forces of United States supported by United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM II) and the Somalian militiamen and the armed civilians led by the then self proclaimed president of Somalia mohammed farrah aideed ().
The ideal that there could have been any measures put in place to ensure that this could have been avoided is difficult to ascertain.
This is because since the creation of the United Nations in 1945, over 100 major conflicts around the world have left 20 million dead, because the United Nations was unable to ensure peace due to lack of resources().
However according to Agenda for Peace by Boutros Ghali there are certain measures that could have been taken by the United Nations to either reduce the effects of conflict or contain conflict or eradicate the possibility of conflict altogether, namely peace-keeping, peace-making, peace-building and preventive diplomacy ().
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Furthermore he stated that although the sovereignty of a state must be maintained, it must be completely taken into regard because ‘its theory never matched reality’ and states need some kind of external guidance to function efficiently ().
The first principle outlined by Boutros Ghali is preventive diplomacy, and this is basically measures put in place or actions carried out in the early of stages of disputes before it escalates to a more militant form of human conflict. It is recommended to be carried out by the secretary-general or the general assembly and by regional organizations in cooperation with the United Nation.
In the case of the first battle of Mogadishu this, form of conflict resolution would have been implemented by a third party advocating for peace and that the party initiating the proceedings be willing to ensure peace at all costs. During the cease-fire an opportunity arose for this to be implemented through the deployment of Mohammed Sahnoun, the United Nations special Representative. Sahnoun tried to make the clan system ‘work for Somalis’ as a force for cohesion, by encouraging inter-clan reconciliation.
He was the first to meet with the elders if the Hawiye clans, the neutral clan and worked hard to gain the trust of the militia leaders managing to earn their respect. However the lack of resources hindered his progress significantly and the lack of progress showed no such ability for preventive diplomacy to work in this case. Furthermore, in a country already divided amongst during the Scramble, different views, principles and societal values, were not uncommon and this was already a distinct problem because they would have different ways of ruling.
Any efforts to try and establish common ground would have proved difficult from the onset. Hence lack of resources of support meant that even with a person advocating for change, if that person had no support his efforts would be futile. However preventive diplomacy has other measures that could have worked as an ideal preventive measure, namely preventive deployment and in some situations demilitarization. This could have worked, if the United Nations (UN) had deployed small force or even ordered demilitarization in Somalia to delimit the number of people with weapons.
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However Boutros-Ghali was unable to come to an agreement with the US because they only wanted a strictly ‘limited Salvation Army Role’, meaning they were against any type of intervention other than that of providing relief to the hunger stricken zones and had no intention of disarming the militias. The streets were overrun by groups of gunmen riding around in stolen trucks and many of the civilians were armed however lack of communication and agreement between the US and the UN rendered any implementation of Boutros-Ghali’s preventive diplomacy unable to be into place.
Another concept mentioned by Boutros Ghali which could have been used to reduce the extent to which conflict was escalating, would have been to try and implement peace-making. This included an establishment of common ground amongst the many rebelling groups through methods of mediation, regional agencies, or agreements or other peaceful means of the conflicting party’s choice, hence creating an agreement. In this method he states that the reason why other parties have previously failed to establish peace in their country is because there was no political will between the existing feuding parties.
In this case conflict prolonged primarily due to the fact that there were many different groups rebelling for example there existed the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF), the Somali National Movement (SNM), one group led by Aideed of Habar Gidir and one led by Ali Mahdi Mohammad. Reducing the amount of separate factions and encouraging them towards one common goal of peace and attempting to find common ground amongst all the rival groups could have brought about a small but significant change.
A small opportunity presented itself when there was a brief ceasefire in 1992 between Aideed and Mahdi where any UN intervention seemed to create a significant difference. This would have been an opportunity to implement the peace-making principle. A cease-fire agreement was signed amongst existing warlords and representatives of various clan movements, at the National reconciliation conference in Addis Ababa in March 1993. In this agreement all parties committed themselves to disarmament and gave power of intervention, by force, to the UN against anyone who broke the agreement.
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The peace-making principle was effectively put into place. Peacekeeping in this instance would have been most effective though the deployment of a UN presence in the field. In this principle of peacekeeping military personnel is deployed into an area of conflict to try and minimize or contain the conflict and this was most applicable during the ceasefire . During this period the UN established UNOSOM and observers and a security force ‘to be made in consultation with the parties in Mogadishu’.
However this did not prevent the outcome of the First Battle of Mogadishu. Hence even in practice Boutros-Ghali’s concepts were only efficient to a small extent. Nevertheless it was implemented by the placing of a new multinational force, in the place of UNITAF troops was set up consisting in all 20,000 peacekeeping troops, 8,000 logistical staff and some 3,000 civilian personnel from twenty-Three nations; including as part of the force was a force consisting of US special forces and ‘quick reaction’ units under US command, for use in emergencies.
In the principle of peacekeeping, Boutros-Ghali believed that if countries were willing to assist peace keeping efforts this principle work efficiently in sustaining peace in country. He also state that “Peacekeeping requires that civilian political officers, human rights monitors, electoral officials, Refugee and humanitarian aid specialists and police play a central role as the military”, however because of the cost entailed In many peace keeping operations is difficult to implement, the cost’s aggregated to 8. 3 billion in 1992 of many peace-keeping operations.
Hence many countries are often reluctant to provide their military assistance. The last of Boutros-Ghali’s principles was post-conflict peace-building. This is ‘action to indentify and support structures which will strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid relapse into conflict’. Boutros-Ghali stated that peacemaking and peace building operations to work effectively there must be certain support structures which will tend to ‘consolidate peace and advance a sense of confidence and well-being among the people’.
The Term Paper on Peacekeeping Force Kosovo Nato Day
I. Introduction The bombing of Kosovo by NATO forces may finally come to an end. While the excuses for bombing the troubled region have been challenged, for the most part the world concurs that the atrocities gong on in that nation warranted international action. In any event, the bombing did start and it continues, despite the accidental hits on pedestrian villages and buildings which were not ...
Boutros-Ghali implemented this principle, together with the other principles, in a number of ways during the cease-fire. Under the Security Council Resolution 814 UNOSOM II was given the power to establish new governments, new judiciary, new police force and also rebuilding the economy. They also aimed to reconstruct schools, public utilities such as power water and communication system.
Boutros-Ghali believed that peace-building implemented correctly with the other principles would work efficiently; ‘The concept of peace-building as the construction of a new environment should be viewed as the counterpart of preventive diplomacy, which seeks to avoid the breakdown of peaceful conditions. When conflict breaks out, mutually reinforcing efforts at peace peacemaking and peacekeeping come into play” In conclusion
