By the end of the 1930’s the Northern State had existed for almost two decades, as had its Southern counterpart. During this time the two states set themselves up in a way that seemed to justify the fears that both communities, Catholic and Protestant had when the possibility of Home Rule was first talked about in the 1880’s. The Northern state was one where the Protestant majority was in power and treated the Catholic minority as a threat, thus realising the fears of that community. The South had become an agrarian state with little industry and a constitution that enshrined the power of the Catholic Church thus proving the Protestant mantra that “Home Rule equals Rome Rule”
In 1910, John Redmond and the other Irish Nationalist MPs once more held the balance of power in the House of Commons. The price of their support for the government was a third Home Rule bill, which this time could not be blocked by the House of Lords. A southern Unionist, Sir Edward Carson, was selected to lead Unionists, and well over 400,000 people in Ulster signed a Covenant expressing their determination to use “all means which may be found necessary” to defeat Home Rule. When the unionist Ulster Volunteer Force smuggled rifles into Larne in 1914, and the nationalist Irish Volunteers smuggled a smaller shipment of rifles into a harbour near Dublin, Ulster seemed to be poised on the brink of civil war. But in 1914 the Home Rule issue was overshadowed by events elsewhere in Europe. The Home Rule bill was given Royal assent, but its operation was suspended until after the end of the war, when it was to be amended to make special provision for Ulster which seemed ominous to the Catholic minority there. After the war, a fourth Home Rule bill, the Government of Ireland Act (1920), proposed two Parliaments: one for Northern Ireland (consisting of counties Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry and Tyrone) and one for Southern Ireland.
The Essay on Home Rule Ireland Irish Ulster
... much in Ireland. They did this passing the Home Rule Bill but excluding six northern counties. Nationalists were angered and the Easter Rising ... and the Unionists based in the North (Ulster) completely despised the Bill. Ulster was largely catholic and there was a deep rooted opinion ... serious to the Liberal government. Ireland was almost in a state of civil war and probably would have ended up in ...
The southern Parliament never functioned, but King George V opened the Parliament of Northern Ireland in June 1921. Towards the end of 1920, with violence on the increase, a Special Constabulary (including full-time A Specials and part-time B Specials) had already been set up to assist the RIC in Ulster. In April 1922, RIC men and many Specials applied to join the new police force for Northern Ireland called the Royal Ulster Constabulary. As a result of riots and the IRA campaign, 557 people were killed in the north between July 1920 and July 1922.The border between the Free State and Northern Ireland was not finally confirmed until 1925, when the governments agreed not to implement the changes proposed by the Boundary Commission. To understand the historical enmity between the Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, it is necessary to understand past conflicts between the two groups and to examine the reasons they have remained separate throughout their history. The settlement of Ulster in 1609, by contrast, was massive in scale and resulted in the intrusion of a Protestant culture that was completely alien to its Catholic inhabitants. Massacres of both Protestants and Catholics took place throughout the 1600s, as the two sides battled for supremacy and the right to occupy the land each now called home.
Like most cultural differences, the roots of the Protestant-Catholic enmity in Northern Ireland are buried in the distant past, with fresh incidents only serving to reopen old wounds and solidify negative stereotypes. The siege mentality of the Unionists continues to stem from the fortified townships in which they were forced to live following the ‘Plantation’ of 1609. Thus, each new threat is perceived as dire, within the context of brutal pogroms which took place hundreds of years before. The Catholics still feel as if they have an alien culture living amongst them. This feeling has been enhanced through the separation of the two communities and the continued enforcement of the Special Powers Act of 1922. This act, designed to combat IRA resistance to Partition, was left in force until well after the beginning of the Troubles, thus perpetuating a climate of mistrust that has yet to be dispelled With the exception of their competition for the same resources, the two communities can be characterised by a lack of contact. Their lack of contact has created feelings of deep distrust between the Catholic and Protestant communities. Mistrust and bad feelings resulting from the colonisation of Ireland by Protestant settlers were followed by centuries of political and social segregation of Catholics and Protestants in all of Ireland.
The Essay on Ireland Irish Northern Government
... The treaty also confirmed the northern counties of Ulster as protestant land. Now, roughly speaking, the Catholics lived in the southern parts ... handle the situation and the Westminster parliament suspended the Northern Ireland government and replaced it with direct rule from ... The result of the settling of Ulster was the introduction of a foreign community, which spoke a different language, ...
The conditions created as a result of this history became important during the early part of the twentieth century, the Protestant Unionists, greatly feared being ruled by the Catholic majority Among the issues that contributed the most to Protestant insecurity and their fear of extinction in Northern Ireland were the 3.2 million Catholics who lived south of the border and their link to Catholics in continental Europe and the Vatican in Rome. Within Northern Ireland itself Protestants make up about 58 per cent of the population of 1.6 million people, but if united with the south, then the Protestants would move from being a majority to a minority, subject (they fear) to the will of the Catholics. The Partition of Ireland did little to ease the sectarian mistrust and separateness between Catholics and Protestants left in the six counties of Ulster which were devolved to Unionist rule. Each community continued to be defined by its religious affiliation, with little mixture between the two groups. Education, neighbourhoods, workplaces, entertainment, and numerous other social activities remained segregated. The names of places also continue to be used to denote religious and national affiliation e.g.
Derry/Londonderry The physical segregation of the two communities can be attributed to various reasons, not all of which stem from a fear of violence. For instance, as most schooling is conducted by religious denomination, it makes sense for Protestant and Catholic families to find housing closer to their schools. Church attendance is high in Northern Ireland, with the church community providing the structure for social interaction. In addition, marriages in Northern Ireland primarily take place with people from the same local area, creating elaborate family-based structures that tend to be exclusionary and segregated . These trends tend to isolate and insulate local communities from outside influences, preserving old attitudes towards outsiders and considerable conformity within the community. Politics in Northern Ireland was dominated by the necessity for Protestant control of the government and its processes. The requirement that a Protestant majority be created in Northern Ireland was a major determinant in drawing the boundary for the Partition of Ireland. The remaining three counties of Ulster were not included in Northern Ireland due to the fact that the higher percentage of Catholics in these counties posed a threat to Protestant control of the country.
The Essay on The Troubles In Northern Ireland
The troubles in Northern Ireland Many people only have a limited idea about what these infamous “troubles” in the North of Ireland really were. Hopefully this article will shed some light on the matter. In the past the vast majority of violent acts and attitudes of discrimination towards minority groups have been based on blacks or the Jews, often leaving religious wars to the olden day Europe. ...
Only those counties of Ulster province that had a Protestant population of at least 30 per cent were included in the Unionist enclave of Northern Ireland. Under representation of Catholics extended throughout most levels of Northern Ireland’s government. For example, the proportional representation (PR) system left in place by the British ensured that the Catholics would control about 40 per cent of the local councils; but, the ending of PR and the redrawing of local government boundaries by the Unionist parliament at Stormont quickly reversed the trend. While Catholic Nationalists won control of twenty-five out of the eighty local councils in 1920, the gerrymandering of 1922 ensured that in the 1924 elections they controlled only two out of eighty local councils The redrawn boundaries were particularly effective as a result of new legislation introduced to restrict voting rights. Two categories of voters were formed to ensure Protestant dominance at the polls: (1) the ‘ratepayers’, primary occupiers of a household as either tenants or owners, and (2) persons who owned commercial property valued at ?10 or more per year. As only two people per house were allowed to vote, the ratepayer category effectively excluded lodgers or adult children living at home.
The Term Paper on History Of Special Needs Provision In Ireland
Swan (2000) described special needs education in Ireland in three phases, the neglect and denial, the special needs school and the integration or inclusion. The national Education System was first set up in 1831 making it compulsory for all children from age six to fourteen. By 1892 children had to go to school for 150 days in the year. At this time the government only seen children with special ...
Both lodgers and adult children living at home tended to be Catholics due to their lower overall economic status and larger families; thus, Catholic franchise was restricted. People in the second category, that is, owners of commercial property, were allowed to nominate special voters for each ?10 of value of their property, up to a maximum of six voters. Since over 90 per cent of the commercial property in Northern Ireland was Protestant owned, this provision expanded their voting franchise and, along with the ratepayer category, extended Unionist control over the ballot box and the government . Acts ostensibly aimed at increasing security but used to intimidate and discriminate against Catholics were utilised by the Unionist parliament at Stormont to ensure Protestant control of Northern Ireland. The most prominent of these was the Special Powers Act of 1922, which was implemented to stem the tide of Nationalist violence by splinter groups of the IRA who did not accept the terms of Partition. Under the Act, government forces were given a considerable latitude in their conduct towards suspected individuals and broad powers of search and seizure. The Act permitted actions such as Internment without trial for unspecified periods of time, search and seizures without a warrant, and powers of censorship. The most interesting feature of the Special Powers Act was its clause that “if any person does any act of such nature as to be prejudicial to the preservation of the peace or maintenance of order in Northern Ireland and not specifically provided for in the regulations, he shall be deemed to be guilty of an offence against the regulations”
The Special Powers Act was enforced by the police force, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), and its paramilitary reservists, the Ulster Special Constabulary. The RUC was unique at that time in that, unlike their British counterparts, its officers were required to carry arms and trained with heavy weapons in military tactics. The RUC also differed from the British police in that it was centrally controlled by the RUC Inspector General and the Northern Ireland Ministry of Home Affairs. Although the 3,000-man force (later raised to 3,400) was legally required to reserve one-third of its spots for Catholics, the number of Catholics never reached higher than 12 per cent of the force. The small number of Catholics on the force was more reflective of the perception and fears in the catholic community that the RUC was a partisan force that bowed to political pressure than of discriminatory hiring practices. In addition to the RUC, the government of Northern Ireland created the Ulster Special Constabulary in 1920 to combat IRA secessionist fighters, who were opposed to Partition. The Ulster Special Constabulary was divided into three corps: the A, B, and C Specials. The A and C Specials disbanded after Partition-related violence subsided, but the ‘B Specials’ survived until their group was disbanded by the British government at the beginning of Direct Rule by the British in 1972.
The Essay on Special Military Force Shayetet
SHAYETET 13 is the elite naval commando unit of the Israeli Navy. The unit is considered one of the primary Special Forces units of the Israel Defense Forces. S’13 specializes in sea-to-land incursions, counter-terrorism, sabotage, maritime intelligence gathering, maritime hostage rescue, and boarding. The unit has taken part in almost all of Israel’s major wars, as well as other ...
The B Specials were usually several times larger in number than the police force and, given the task of combating potential subversion of the state, they were recruited as an exclusively Protestant paramilitary force. Many members of the B Specials were also members in the latter forces, and the units of the B Specials often used Orange Order lodges for training exercises and practice drills. The B Specials engaged in activities such as manning roadblocks and protecting selected installations during times of suspected IRA activity. The B Specials gained notoriety for their use of violence in the execution of their duties; offences included beatings, harassment, of Catholics at checkpoints. Some of the victims were known to the B Specials as neighbours, but were nonetheless subjected to harsh treatments, unlike Protestants who were merely waived through. Discrimination was also sanctioned and promoted by officials. For example, Sir Basil Brooke, who served as Northern Ireland’s prime minister for twenty years, actively promoted a system of employment wherein jobs were offered through social organisations such as the Orange Order. In the Londonderry Sentinel (20 March 1934), Sir Basil Brooke stated that: “I recommend those people who are Loyalists not to employ Roman Catholics, 99 per cent of whom are disloyal; I want you to remember one point in regard to the employment of people who are disloyal….You are disenfranchising yourselves in that way….You people who are employers have the ball at your feet.
The Term Paper on Special Purpose People Government Culture
The Five Themes of Geography Geography: The study of people, their environments, their resources and the interactions among them The Five Themes of Geography are: 1. Location 2. Place 3. Human Environment Interaction 4. Movement of People Goods and Ideas 5. Region 1. Location: Where something is located on the Earth's Surface Relative - Location of Something in relation to something else (Ex: A ...
If you don’t act properly now before we know where we are we shall find ourselves in the minority instead of the majority.” With such statements by senior politicians in the North it can be justifiably said that the fears of the catholic community about the Northern state were true. But with the emergence of an agrarian Church dominated South meant that Protestant fears of living as a minority in a 32 county Ireland meant that they would blatantly discriminate against those they believed would wreck the Northern State to bring this about.
