In the book, “The Establishment in Texas Politics,” by George Norris Green, Mr. Green describes how, since 1939, fiscal and social conservatives have governed Texas. Anglo-Texas nationalism supported the idea of Texas independence from groups including the federal government as it pertains to laws overseeing business practices. From the traditionalistic-individualistic scheme of Texas politics emerged a philosophy of material self-interest above anything that might be considered fair to other groups within the borders of the state. To make matters worse (or better, depending on your own political persuasion) Texas at that time was a one-party system, and the powers that be relied on a consistently low level of voter participation and the powerful influence of special interest lobby groups. Interest groups sprang forth from the business landscape tilled by capitalist pioneers such as H.L. Hunt, Sid Richardson and Clint Murchison. These independent millionaires were concerned with preserving capital and enhancing shareholder value by reducing the interference by governmental socialists who sought to redistribute wealth though the use of social programs. These men, and many more like them, cared little about government and wanted no intervention in their economic affairs.
Their attitudes were consistent with the popular values of the Jeffersonian Democrats of the nineteenth century: The less government the better, local control of what little government there was, and freedom from economic regulation, or laissez-faire. Three men, W. Lee O’Daniel, Coke Stevenson and Beauford Jester came to epitomize Texas conservatives during this period of Texas history. Each man, whether they knew it or not, practiced a type of pseudo laissez-faire that would later be known as Social-Darwinism; the belief that individuals who prosper and rise to the top of the socioeconomic ladder are worthy and deserve their riches, while those who sink to the bottom are unworthy and deserve their poverty. Social-Darwinist argue that people become rich and powerful because they are intelligent, energetic and self-disciplined, whereas those who become or remain poor do so because they are stupid, lazy or otherwise given to embrace certain destructive vices. Socio-economic status, thus, was thought to be a result of natural selection. Further, it was thought that as business flourished so would everyone flourish. As it has been stated, “A rising tide lifts all boats.” Wilbert Lee (Pappy) O’Daniel was born in Malta, Ohio on March 11 1890.
The Essay on Social Responsibilities of Business
You know that business is an economic activity, which is carried out on a regular basis to earn profit. However, you must have seen businessmen spending money on different aspects, which is not going to give them any profit straightway. For example, you must have seen businessmen maintaining and developing gardens and parks on streets and squares in cities. Some businessmen engage themselves in ...
O’Daniel was educated in public schools in Kansas, he later completed a two year curriculum at Salt City Business College in Hutchinson, Kansas, in 1908. Upon graduation he worked his way up as a stenographer, bookkeeper and sales manager of a flour milling company. He organized his own flour concern in 1935 in Fort Worth. He began a series of radio shows featuring the “Light Crust Dough Boys.” At the urging of his radio fans, O’Daniel ran for the govennorship of Texas in 1938. His entire platform consisted of the Ten Commandments, the virtues of his own “Hillbilly Flour,” tax cuts for business and the industrialization of Texas. Given O’Daniel’s business background, his philosophy was that of no corporate taxes and he was of course, anti-labor. He instead offered up a tax plan, secretly written by manufacturing interest groups that amounted to a multiple sales tax (a regressive tax borne by people least able to pay).
He also sought to attack labor unions by writing the “O’Daniel Anti-Violence Act” but the courts discarded most of the provisions. At this time, O’Daniel began replacing members of the University of Texas Regents in an attempt to limit academic freedom and to eliminate communists who he saw as behind the pro labor movement. One of the more interesting characters in Texas political history would have to be Coke Stevenson. Born in a log cabin in Mason county Texas, Coke started his business career early. As a teenager he hauled freight from Junction to Brady. He worked his way up from rancher, banker, lawyer and legislator. After he won the governorship Stevenson began to demonstrate his fiscal and socially conservative ideology. He had amassed lucrative oil lease income and he opposed any tax levied on it, he also opposed gas rationing Texas during the second World War, the obvious implication here was oil prices would increase with greater demand. Race relations during governor Stevenson’s administration was a mixed bag even though few would argue against labeling Stevenson an ethnocentric racist. Coke reportedly felt that Negroes were sometimes responsible for the situations they found themselves in.
The Term Paper on The Afl-Cio And Organized Labor; Regeneration
While researching this paper I came across a very interesting article. In the November 2000 issue of Reason magazine, Michael McMenamin leads with the following paragraph: Organized labor was a one-century phenomenon. Look it up. Union members were only 9.5% of the private sector work force in 1999, down from a peak of 37% 40 years earlier. The last time union membership was so low was in 1902, ...
(Lynching?) Stevenson appears to have been more responsive to Texas-Mexicans in regard to discrimination in public places. Stevenson approved the “Caucasian Race Resolution,” which prohibited discrimination of “Caucasians” in public places. (It said nothing about the ill treatment of blacks, of course.) Coke Stevenson supposedly was quoted as saying, “Meskins is pretty good folks. If it was niggers, it’d be different!” In the area of organized labor, Governor Stevenson was more moderate than his predecessor “Pappy” O’Daniel. The governor strengthened unemployment compensation laws and negotiated a no strike agreement with organized labor. Throughout the war, revenues in Texas decreased, as did the services provided by the state. Coke demanded tight restrictions of all governmental agencies. As a result, social programs, and the people that relied on them, mostly Mexican Americans, African Americans and poor Anglos, suffered. To say Coke Stevenson was fiscally conservative would be the functional equivalent of saying the sun is a little bit warm. Our next suspect is one Beauford Halbert Jester. Mr. Jester was born in Corsicana, Texas in 1893, like his contemporary conservative cohorts, Jester was highly educated having received degrees from the University of Texas and attended the much heralded, and liberal, Harvard University.
The Term Paper on Group Response Techniques
Active student responding is a critical component of effective instruction in class room . One low tech strategy developed to facilitate active student responding during group instruction involves the use of response cards . Typically this approach involves the teacher asking questions during instruction and having each student write down his / her answers on the response cards and then display ...
Also, like his compadres, Jester was a schrewd businessman having managed land, cattle and cotton holdings. Much of his work as an attorney involved litigation at the bequest of the oil interests. It therefore, should come as no surprise to anyone that Jester was pro-business and anti-labor. Some of the legislation supported by Jester included a law forbidding automatic deduction of union dues from employee paychecks; also he advocated state arbitration of contract disputes with an emphasis on state control. In the area of race relations, Jester opposed President Harry Truman’s national civil rights program, although he supported state laws banning lynching and poll taxes. In a more moderate tone, he lobbied for higher teacher salaries, more and better educational facilities and even called for the establishment of an all black major university. Unfortunately, this “jester” proved him to be a flaming segregationist. Conservative power in Texas since the late 1950’s has had to adapt and develop as changes in the Texas economy and social climate have metamophasized. The Texas economy is no longer tied unequivocally to oil and gas and the railroads but have switched to high-tech manufacturing and global trade. Conservatives on both sides of the aisle have embraced treaties such as NAFTA much to the chagrin of organized labor. Unionized labor has, in the meantime, seen their membership roles dwindle as large corporations such as GTE have developed plans, which include all workers in a team concept and offer stock options in an attempt to make employees feel they own a part of the company rather than an “us against them attitude.” Our friends on the right have faced challenges from ethnic groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
In the 1970’s LULAC continued to be the standard-bearer for Mexican American goals in Texas. But in that decade, the organization began to falter. For one thing, with many of its goals achieved, it began to experience internal dissension about what course to set for the future. It began to attract members who were more interested in advancing themselves than in advancing the group as a whole. President Joseph Benetes nearly bankrupted the organization. He was later indicted and impeached by the organization. As of now, Texas’s most important Hispanic organization was crippled by disagreement over strategy, racked by ethnic conflict and possibly enfeebled by corruption. The NAACP has also had its share of mismanagement and internal squabbling that has hurt rather than helped its cause in the battle over power in the politically conservative Texas hierarchy. Public education and the quality thereof, are thought of as a liberal concern. School teachers in Texas have battled the conservative machine for years with little to show for it. Politically, Texas teachers are marked more by disorganization and competition than by coordination and cooperation. Fully one third of Texas teachers belong to no organization at all, the others are divided among seven statewide and dozens of local groups, all fiercely competitive.
The Essay on Organizations group jobs and work functions into groups
1. Chapter 7 addresses organizational structures (how organizations group jobs and work functions into groups). For example, a hospital may have hundreds or thousands of employees while a private physician’s office may have just a few employees. For the organizations below, describe which organizational structure they would likely use and why: • A small physician’s office Smaller hospitals tend to ...
Teacher’s groups have failed to speak with one voice. Although they are united in support of pay raises and in opposition to publicly funded vouchers (a conservative plan) for private schools. The four main teachers’ group disagree among themselves with regard to the tactics they should pursue to achieve their goals. As of the new millenium, the conservative sword thrusted about in Texas politics would make the blade Lee surrendered to Grant, a toothpick by comparison. The statehouse, as well as, the Lt. Governor, most of the senate and House of Representatives is all conservative republicans. Homer Rainey would no doubt need permanently sealed roller bearings to contain the revolutions per minute inside his grave if he knew of the situation at hand. The conservative movement in Texas has relied on the left to be fractionalized and generally inactive in voter participation. The liberals in Texas have, so far, proved to be their own worse enemy.
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Retired, 42 years old, college student with consentrations in Finance, Marketing, History and Government
