IN this article, I consider the extent to which the question ‘What do managers do?’ has been satisfactorily answered by published empirical studies of mana- gerial work and behaviour. Two aspects of this enterprise require justification: the pertinence of the question posed and the need for another review of the evidence.
Certainly, the question ‘What do managers do?’ has an air of naivete, insolence, even redundancy about it. Yet it is a question which Is begged by many management-related issues. Arguments that the quality of manage- ment is decisive in both organizational and national economic performance presuppose that the exclusively ‘managerial’ contribution to that performance is both tangible and identifiable. Claims for managerial authority invariably rest not upon de facto status and power, but upon an implicit ‘job of managing” for which authority is the necessary resource. The vast and growing industry of management education, training and development presumably rests upon a set of ideas about what managers do and, hence, what managers are being educated, trained and developed/or, Finally, nowhere is the question of what managers do more insistently begged than in that substantial portion of the literature on management which is concerned with ‘effective’ management (or managerial effectiveness).
Indeed ‘effective management’ has ceased to be a purely contingent pairing of adjective and noun and has become a self evident object whose causes and concomitants may be investigated unambiguously. In contrast, I contend that the term ‘effective management’ is a second-order normative statement which presupposes the existence of relatively reliable answers to flrst-order empirical questions. For me, ‘effectiveness’ denotes the extent to which what managers actually do matches what they are supposed to do. This is recognized in a number of defmitions of ‘managerial effectiveness’ offered in the literature, despite their superflcial differerccs.”’
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A central implication of this, however, is less frequendy recognized: that the extent of this congruence can only be judged once the two sides ofthe ‘effectiveness equation’ are known Address for reprints: Dr. C. P. Hales, Dcpartmeni of Management Studies for Tourism and Hotel Industries, University of Surrey, Guildford, Surrey GU2 5XH.WHAT DO MANAGERS DO? A CRITICAL REVIEW 89 empirically. It is necessary, therefore, to have reliable evidence on what managers do, in both senses ofthe term ‘do’. Some ofthe more celebrated writings on effective management are singularly reticent about specifying vohat effective managers are effective at’^’.
It is also my contention that earlier reviews of published evidence on managerial work have not addressed the issue of what managers do in these terms. Mintzberg’s (1973) review ofthe existing evidence which precedes his own celebrated study is now over ten years old and there have been a number of significant and sophisticated studies published since tbat time. Stewart’s (1983) more recent review focuses upon an aspect of managerial work – managerial behaviour – of which her own studies have made such a large contribution to our knowledge. I wish to go beyond that focus here principally because one of my central arguments is that ‘managerial work’ and ‘managers’ behaviour’ are not synonymous, even though many of the published studies imply tbat they are. Consequently, evidence on managers’ behaviour provides only a partial answer to the question: What do managers do?
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After reviewing what I take to be the key findings of the studies in terms of five principal topics, each of which, explicitly or implicitly, addresses a particular question about managerial work, I will discuss three general limita- tions ofthe existing evidence. First, I argue that the various studies tread a precarious course between illuminating variation and bewildering inconsistency and that, notwithstanding tbe richness of diversity, there are good arguments for the development and use of more consistent and comparable categories. Secondly, I suggest that the emphasis in the studies on managerial behaviour represents a limitation insofar as a context for locating and judging thai behaviour is absent. Finally, I question the extent to which the studies identify work or even behaviour which is inclusively and exclusively ‘managerial’. I seek to show that each of these limitations is traceable to a more general unwillingness to consider the wider context of managers’ behaviour – in particular, ‘managerial tasks’, ‘managerial responsibilities’ and the ‘management function’ – and to develop concepts which permit this consideration.
For the purposes of this review of what is known about what managers do I adopt particular and necessarily restrictive definitions of ‘knowledge’ and ‘managers’. As far as ‘knowledge’ is concerned, at risk of doing considerable violence to more sophisticated epistemological niceties, I distinguish among evidenc^^\ theories and models. This review is chiefly concerned witb published evidence, although it touches on models where these guide the collection or order the presentation of evidence. Reference to theories is confmed to indicating the relative absence of links between theory and evidence. As far as the term ‘managers’ is concerned, I follow the researchers concerned in adopting a nominalist definition as a starting point.
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That is, I follow Stewart (1976) in taking a manager to be ‘anyone above a certain level, roughly above foreman whether. . .in control of staff or not’, and for the same reason as Stewart, namely that I am interested, at least initially, in ‘the jobs that90 COLIN P. HALES companies call managerial and which form part ofthe management hierarchy for selection, training and promotion’ (Stewart, 1976, p. 4).
I therefore consider it of greater value to start by investigating what those deemed managers do rather than to debate a priori who managers ‘really’ are’*’. What I do hope to show, however, is thai such an investigation does inevitably come up against the problem of not only who managers are, but what ‘management’ is: this issue is one from which the studies have shied away, in my view to their detriment. WHAT MANAGERS DO: THE EVIDENCE
The absence of both a common/ociw for the research and comparable categories to guide collection and presentation of evidence renders the studies to be reviewed here resistant to the search for generalities through processes of contrast and combination. To re-cast the available evidence into common terms would involve both unwarranted interpretation and considerable distortion, so this review will take the original categories ofthe research studies as its starting point. The studies reviewed here essentially shed light on five major areas and provide answers to five implicit questions about managerial work: (1) The substantive elements of managerial work (What do managers do?) (2) The distribution of managers’ time between work elements (How do managers work?)
(3) Interactions: with whom managers work (With whom do managers work?)
(4) Informal elements of managerial work (What else do managers do?) (5) Themes which pervade managerial work (What qualities does managerial -work have?).
Whilst no individual study or writer is concerned with all of these topics, the topics and their implicit questions are recurring and identifiable features ofthe accumulated evidence. Hence, I have chosen to group and classify the available material in terms o{ evidenc^^^. Whilst this is only one of a number of possible alternative orderings, it does attempt to lay an empirical foundation to the area of study upon which more elaborate theories and models may rest. Before considering these areas in more detail, it might be useful to list the research studies which form the major sources of evidence, as shown in table I.
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For present purposes, I will treat the evidence accumulated by the above studies as a single entity. It should be recognized, however, that this evidence is the product of some 30 years of studies, during which time there have been discernible shifts in focus, methods and models. Perhaps the most clearly discernible of these shifts has been away from the concern in the 1950s, 1960s.