Mother-tongue education in South Africa
– Andrew Foley
Introduction
The question of mother-tongue education in South Africa remains a vexed one. On the one
hand, it seems reasonable and desirable that learners should be able to receive education in
their mother-tongue, if they so wish. On the other hand, there are some very real difficulties
involved in the implementation of this ideal. The purpose of this paper is to clarify what these
difficulties are, and then to suggest what needs to be done to overcome them. The intention is
neither to argue for or against the notion of mother-tongue education in the South African
context, nor to consider whether its implementation is practically possible, but simply to spell
out what courses of action need to be undertaken if the idea is to be seriously pursued.
Background
The South African Constitution guarantees learners the right to receive education in the
language of their choice1. Most current research suggests that learners entering school are
able to learn best through their mother-tongue, and that a second language (such as English)
is more easily acquired if the learner already has a firm grasp of his/her home language.
Furthermore, the poor throughput rates in South African schools at the moment, where barely
The Essay on Mother tongue education
Mercator International Symposium: Europe 2004: A new framework for all languages? The right to mother tongue medium education-the hot potato in human rights instruments Address by Dr. Tove Skutnabb-Kangas in Opening Plenary "As long as we have the language, we have the culture. As long as we have the culture, we can hold on to the land. " ------------------------(pg. 1) In an article called " ...
a quarter of African language learners who enter the schooling system are likely to reach
Matric2, seems to indicate that the current practice of using English as the initial language of
learning and teaching is at least one contributing factor to this problem.
1
This right is, however, qualified by the consideration of reasonable practicability, which is defined in
the Language in Education Policy of 1997 as occuring when 40 learners in a particular grade in a
primary school, or 35 learners in a particular grade in a secondary school, demand to be taught in
their mother tongue.
2
As a number of newspapers reported, of the number of learners who entered Grade 1 in 1994 only
21.9% wrote the 2005 Matric examination. Even taking into account such factors as the repetition of
grades or learners leaving to study at FET Colleges, the percentage cannot be much higher than
25%.
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For some years now, educationists have proposed that African language learners should be
taught in their mother-tongue for at least the first three years of school before switching over
to English. More recently, the Minister of Education, Naledi Pandor, speaking at a Language
Policy conference at the end of 2006, intimated that this initial period of mother-tongue
instruction would be extended to six years, that is, both the Foundation Phase (Grades 1 to 3)
and the Intermediate Phase (Grades 4 to 6).
If this proposal is to be taken seriously, there are a number of questions which need to be
clarified and considered. The rest of this paper will be devoted to this task. These questions
may be divided into four main headings, although, as will become evident, there is much
overlap between them: language development, curriculum development, teacher education
and school implementation.
Language Development
The nine official African languages are certainly able to function as media of communication
at such levels as interpersonal conversation, narrative and cultural practice. As they currently
exist, however, the standard written forms of the languages have not yet been developed to
The Essay on English Language Learner
The United States still represents to the rest of world a land of opportunities. Immigration occurs when people from all part of the world make their way here to start new lives, find their new jobs or build new homes. Some leave their country to flee from oppression and injustice. Some want a life to escape poverty. Now the English Language Learners in America school constantly growing percent of ...
the point where they are able to carry academic discourse effectively and therefore function
as full-fledged languages of learning and teaching, even at the Foundation Phase. For the
most part, they are based on particular rural dialects in conservative contexts, having been
standardised in the nineteenth century by missionaries for such specific purposes as
proselytisation, and later by the apartheid era Language Boards at least partly as a mechanism
of social control. As such, these standard written forms remain in many ways archaic, limited
and context-bound, and out of touch with the modern scientific world.3 In addition, these
standard forms are often quite different from the various dialects spoken by the actual
language communities, even to the point in some cases of mutual incomprehensibility (see
Schuring 1993; Herbert and Bailey 2002:59f).
Nevertheless, it is axiomatic, as the Canadian
linguist, William F. Mackey (1992:52), has pointed out, that “the lack of standardisation
jeopardises the potential status of a language” and that a language which lacks a wellestablished written form cannot become empowered.
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If they are to be implemented as academic languages of learning and teaching, therefore, the
standard written forms need to be modernised, regularised, codified and elaborated. This
entails a number of large-scale projects: the revision of the spelling and orthography rules of
the languages; the elimination of dialectal variation in the writing of the languages; the
enlargement of their vocabulary, especially though not only in the fields of science and
technology, together with the creation of modern dictionaries; and the codification of their
grammars, based on the actual current practices of their speech communities, rather than on
otiose cultural norms.
It is clear that this is a very large undertaking, which will require the provision of very large
resources, both material and human. Of course, in theory it can be done, and the example of
Afrikaans in this country is often cited as evidence for this. It must be remembered, however,
The Essay on Scientific Method Development/Ap Exam
The development of the scientific metthos and advancement of scientific thinking played a crucial role is disturbing the zeitgeist, or feeling of the time, in the 17th century. the people of the 17th century were generally accepting people. the uneducated had no problems believing what they were told. this was the common feeling until a few “radical” scientists began to question ...
that the development of Afrikaans was made relatively easy by the fact that it emerged out of
Dutch, an already fully functional scientific language; that enormous resources were made
available through the National Party government; that it was fuelled by an intensely
nationalistic political will; and that it was whole-heartedly supported by a community seeking
exclusivity and autonomy from English. None of these conditions obtains in the case of the
African languages in the present context, which makes the possibility of their development
into academic languages far less certain. And it must be realised that all the investment put
into the elaboration of Afrikaans would have to be increased at least ninefold if all of the
official African languages are to be developed to the same degree.
It must be noted, furthermore, that the development of the indigenous languages into
academic media of communication cannot be achieved merely through the endeavours of a
few scholars working in isolation, however industrious and well-intentioned they may be.
This technicist and artificial view of language development is plainly insufficient. Instead,
what needs to occur is that the entire intellectual speech community of each language
becomes actively involved in the development of the language as academic discourse by
strenuously attempting to use the language to write scholarly articles, give formal lectures,
present conference papers, produce textbooks and scientific manuals, and the numerous other
activities which require a rigorous academic register. It is only when co-ordinated and
3
To give but two lexical examples, there is no equivalent in isiZulu for the word “hypothesis”, while in
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systematic linguistic research is able to draw on, and feed back into, an actual, developing
discourse of practice in a mutually enhancing relationship, that a language can begin to
evolve into a functioning mode of academic and scientific expression.
After a period of some inertia, a number of projects have recently been undertaken to develop
The Essay on Professional practice in children’s care learning and development
It is my understanding that in my continued professional development, as manager of my setting it is my role to ensure that myself and every member of the staff and management committee understand the values, principles and statutory framework that underpins service provision in children’s care, learning and development At all times in our centre the welfare of the child is paramount and we ...
the African languages by both the university sector and the Pan South African Language
Board (PanSALB).
These include the establishment of research centres at some universities,
as well as the creation of new courses in translation and terminography. The nine African
National Language Bodies (under the aegis of PanSALB) have initiated projects aimed at
orthographic standardisation; lexicography and terminology development; and the promotion
of literature in the indigenous languages (see, for example, Webb, Deumert and Lepota,
2005).
It remains true, however, that progress has not been rapid and that a very great deal
more needs to be done if the ideal of the African languages functioning fully as academic and
scientific media of instruction in South Africa is to be actualised.
Curriculum Development
If the African languages are to be used as languages of learning and teaching in the
classroom, the first and most obvious step that must be taken is to translate the Revised
National Curriculum Statement (the RNCS) into these languages. At the moment, the only
subject curricula which appear in the indigenous languages are the African languages as
subjects themselves. The rest are available in English and Afrikaans only. It is plainly
unjustifiable to propose that subjects be taught in the African languages when the RNCS – the
very basis of all subject content and methodology – is not available to teachers in the putative
languages of learning and teaching.
In the Outcomes Based Education system which South Africa has adopted, there are three
Learning Areas in the Foundation Phase: Literacy, Numeracy and Life Skills. The subjects
making up the Literacy Learning Area – the eleven official languages as subjects – are
obviously written in the particular languages themselves. But the Numeracy and Life Skills
Learning Areas have not yet been written in the nine African languages. Now, for this
seSotho one term is used for the quite distinct scientific notions of “force”, “power” and “energy”.
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The Essay on The New Teacher Education Curriculum
Field study 2 is an integral part of the new teacher education curriculum. It is a course that focuses on the pre-service teacher’s observation of the mentor’s classroom management skills in the teaching-learning process when applied in the classroom. This one-unit course will enable the pre-service teachers to identify the various aspects of teaching, classroom management, and best practices/ ...
translation to be conducted successfully, it is imperative to amplify and clarify the subjectspecific terminology in the African languages, as well as to develop their capacity for generic
academic discourse. Thus, it is necessary to develop the African languages as academic and
scientific languages, at least to a certain level, before the Foundation Phase curriculum can be
translated, and, consequently, before one can expect teachers to begin teaching the
curriculum in the learners’ mother tongues with any degree of consistency and precision.
In the Intermediate Phase, matters are rather more complex. Here, there are eight Learning
Areas: Languages, Mathematics, Natural Sciences, Social Sciences, Arts and Culture,
Economic and Management Sciences, Life Orientation, and Technology. Moreover, within
these Learning areas there may be one or more distinct subjects: for example, Natural
Sciences comprises both Physical Science and Biology; Social Sciences includes both
History and Geography. As is to be expected, the curriculum for these Learning Areas
becomes increasingly detailed and specialised as the learner progresses through the various
Grades. In consequence, the translation of the RNCS in this Phase can only proceed
successfully if the African languages have been developed to a significantly higher degree as
academic languages. And, at the risk of repetition, it is only once the RNCS has been
translated that teachers will be able to begin teaching the various Learning Areas effectively
in the African languages.
Naturally, it is not only the RNCS which must be available in the indigenous languages. All
textbooks, readers, support material, teaching aids, guides and literature must be made readily
accessible in these languages and kept continuously up to date. This is particularly important
in the fields of mathematics, science and technology where an extensive range of new terms
and phrases will have to be developed, learnt by the teachers and then communicated to the
learners.
Apart from the translation of the RNCS and related learning and teaching materials, it is also
The Research paper on School and Teacher Education
... Mahomed H in South African schools The role of collaboration and partnerships in teacher education and development in ... University of Cape Coast Curriculum adaptation on supporting learners with reading difficulties: Teacher education Taking education to the people ... education component of the Nigerian social studies teacher education program Learning in mother tongue: An examination of language ...
essential that the curricula for the African languages themselves be revisited and revised. The
content structure and methodology for the teaching of the languages remains, like the
languages themselves in many ways, rooted in an outmoded and ineffective pedagogic model
which hampers learning and diminishes interest. As a result, many learners emerge from the
schooling system unable to write their own mother-tongue with any acceptable level of
competence. Moreover, since they have often not been taught English (or Afrikaans)
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successfully, they find themselves unable to communicate effectively in their second
language, in either oral or written mode. While they may have attained a certain level of basic
interpersonal communicative competence, they lack what Jim Cummins (2000, for example)
termed cognitive academic language proficiency, and thus they are unprepared for higher
education or for training in a sophisticated work environment.
At this point, it is necessary to make a distinction between employing the African languages
as authentic media of instruction throughout the curriculum and using the languages in the
classroom in an informal, ad hoc manner in some or other form of code-switching. Given the
diverse linguistic profiles of many South African classrooms, together with learners’ limited
grasp of English, it is inevitable that teachers will resort to a mixture of languages for
purposes of clarification and explication. In such contexts, code-switching is frequently a
vital and indispensable pedagogical tool. Nevertheless, if the goal is to develop the African
languages into genuine academic languages, and have teachers use them as such, then codeswitching cannot be viewed as anything more than a partial and transitional support
mechanism. This becomes ever more apparent as learners move into the Intermediate Phase
and beyond, where increasing emphasis is placed on independent reading and writing skills.
Learners who remain reliant on mixed-language modes of communication will find it
extremely difficult to read texts written in the standard form of a particular language, as well
as to write essays and assignments and to answer tests and examinations. Furthermore, given
the highly context-specific, personal and arbitrary nature of code-switching, it is impossible
to construct generally comprehensible and enduring academic texts in a mixed-language
format. Thus, while code-switching practices currently play an important role in many South
African classroom environments, they can never be construed as constituting a target
language of acquisition, or as representing a viable alternative to the development of formal
academic proficiency in the standard form of a language.
It ought to be clear from the foregoing discussion just how much work needs to be done in
order for teachers even to begin teaching the first six Grades of school in the indigenous
languages. To suggest that such teaching could begin imminently, and to propose rapid policy
changes to this effect, is both disingenuous and irresponsible.
Teacher Education
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In addition to language and curriculum development, a crucial aspect of providing mothertongue education in South Africa lies in the field of teacher education (or teacher training as
it used rather inelegantly to be termed).
In the early years of this decade the responsibility for
teacher education was transferred from the former colleges of education to the universities.
During the same period, the numbers of students enrolling for African language courses at
universities dwindled, for various reasons, to almost nothing. Even in Teacher Education
programmes where an African language is a compulsory credit, the number of students who
proceed with the study of an African language beyond the obligatory first level course is
negligible. There is, as a result, a real crisis in African language teacher supply.
As a first step in addressing this crisis, it is essential that the government offer service
contract bursaries for student teachers specialising in African languages. In this scheme,
students receive a full bursary (covering tuition, board and living expenses), but then have to
pay the bursary back through a year of service for every year of study in which they received
the bursary. Over the past few years, such bursaries have been offered for Maths and Science
students only. In 2006, however, the Minister of Education announced that such bursaries
would be extended to students specialising in Technology and Languages (both African
languages and English).
It is gratifying to note that this service-linked bursary scheme, which
teacher education institutions have been demanding for some time, has begun to be
implemented in 2007, through the Fundza Lushaka project (see Metcalfe 2007).
It remains to
be seen, however, whether sufficient numbers of student teachers will enrol for and graduate
in African language courses, and then whether the Department of Education has the capacity
to ensure that they do actually take up African language teaching posts in the schools.
Even this is not enough, however. Incentives must be provided for graduating teachers to
accept employment in the rural areas and township schools where the need for teachers
qualified to teach in the African students’ mother tongues is most needed. Such incentives
could take the form of higher salary packages, performance bonuses and better promotional
opportunities. If this does not happen, the current trend of successful black education
graduates taking posts in private schools or government schools in the affluent suburban
areas will continue.
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Here it is necessary to remember that the issue is not merely that of teaching the African
languages as subjects, but rather the ability to use the African languages as the media of
instruction for the entire curriculum. For student teachers to be empowered to achieve this
goal, a number of further steps need to be taken. Firstly, as with the African language school
curriculum, the African language curriculum at tertiary level needs to be drastically revised
and modernised, so that students are enabled to study and learn these languages as effective
carriers of academic discourse. Secondly, the entire Teacher Education curriculum (or at the
very least the undergraduate Bachelor of Education programme) needs to be translated into
each of the African languages. This would include all the official school subjects, but most
especially Mathematics and the Sciences. As was noted in the first section of this paper,
however, for this to be made possible the languages themselves need to be significantly
developed. Thirdly, it will be necessary to provide a very large number of new Teacher
Education lecturers who are able to teach the newly translated curriculum in the medium of
the African languages. At the moment, a very small percentage of university teacher
educators are able to provide quality tertiary tuition through the African students’ mother
tongues, and even fewer in the scientific subjects. Finally, for the requisite development and
continuous upgrading of mother tongue tuition at tertiary level to be possible, it is necessary
for high level research to be conducted. Thus, optimally, each university’s Faculty or School
of Education would need to attract and support top quality education researchers working
specifically in the field of African languages in education, whether through research units,
centres of excellence or individual fellowships, grants or professorial chairs.
In addition to the training of pre-service student teachers, it will also be necessary to upgrade
the competence levels of teachers already in the system. Universities will have to provide a
range of additional courses for in-service teachers so that they are able to acquire academic
proficiency in the newly-developed African languages as well as enhanced methodological
skills in utilising the languages as media of instruction in all the various Learning Areas.
Such courses would, of necessity, need to be taught part-time (after hours, during the
vacations, or as block-release programmes) which would place an enormous burden on both
the schools and the universities, and would again require a heavy investment on the part of
the State in terms of additional lecturing staff, tuition and transportation costs, and perhaps
even temporary teacher-replacements. Such courses would also by their very nature have to
be completed over an extended period of time and would thus require a strong commitment
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on the part of both lecturers and teachers over and above the normal duties which they have
to perform in an already highly pressurised work environment.
As was the case with language and curriculum development, it is evident that for all of this to
become possible, the State will have to make extremely heavy investments in human and
material resources far beyond the provision of the limited number of student bursaries it
currently offers. Whether the State budget for education can or will ever be enlarged to meet
all of these multiple costs remains unclear.
Implementation in the Schools
The fourth aspect of mother tongue education involves its actual implementation in the
schools. Even assuming that at some point in the future the African languages have been
effectively developed, that the curriculum has been efficiently translated, and that a full quota
of properly trained teachers is available, there is still the question of whether schools will
adopt the policy and implement it thoroughly. For this to take place, a number of stakeholders
will have to be convinced of the broad benefits of mother-tongue education, not merely in a
cognitive sense, but in a much larger socio-economic context. Such stakeholders include
government education officials, school governing bodies, principals, teachers, and, most
importantly, parents and learners. If learners and their parents do not actively desire mothertongue instruction, then all the effort in the world will not make the policy viable. And for
this desire to be inculcated, parents and their children will have to see that mother-tongue
education leads to palpable benefits in such spheres as economic empowerment, social
mobility and influence, and pathways to further academic opportunities. All of this raises
questions of the instrumental value of the African languages in South African society more
generally which, though of interest and importance, lies beyond the scope of the present
paper.
A more specific question related to mother-tongue education in schools concerns the role of
English. No matter how rapidly or to what degree the African languages are developed, it is
safe to assume that English will continue to occupy a role of crucial importance in South
Africa for the foreseeable future. Even if the African languages are utilised as languages of
learning and teaching in the first years of school, at some point there will have to be a switch
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to English as the medium of instruction, whether this takes place after three years, or, as is
now proposed, after six years. Thus, English will have to receive systematic and sustained
attention, and will have to be taught extremely effectively as a subject during the initial years
of schooling so that when the transition does take place (be it gradually or immediately)
learners will be sufficiently competent in the language to be able to cope with learning
through it. Indeed, even if mother-tongue education were one day to be employed right
through to Matric level, learners would still need to be proficient in English for the purposes
of higher education where, in a globalised academic environment, English is indispensable.
At the moment, however, English is, in many cases, badly taught in South African schools.
Just as important as the production of large numbers of competent mother-tongue teachers,
therefore, is the development of high quality teachers of English who can be deployed in the
rural and township schools. Again, a system of service-linked, contract bursaries and
incentives to work in areas of greatest need must be implemented immediately for student
teachers specialising in the teaching of English. The Minister of Education, as mentioned
previously, has included English in the list of priority subjects for student teachers, and this is
to be welcomed as a long overdue practical measure. But, as in the case of African language
teaching, steps must be taken, over and above this, to ensure the upgrading of in-service
teachers in terms of academic proficiency in the language, content knowledge and improved
methodological practice. It is a simple truism that any educational system which prioritises
the African languages at the expense of English is destined to fail at the levels both of
practical reality and educational theory. As even so avid a proponent of heritage languages as
Tove Skutnabb-Kangas has observed, in multilingual societies it is essential that all learners
are enabled to “learn enough of the power language to be able to influence the society or,
especially, to acquire a common language with other subordinated groups, a shared medium
of communication and analysis” (1981:128).
In the best of all possible worlds, learners, especially in areas where English is rarely used,
would begin their schooling in their mother-tongue and then at some point switch over to
English as the medium of instruction, having acquired enough English through subject study
to be able to cope with it. At the same time, they would continue to study their home
languages as subjects in a model of additive bilingualism. Conversely, in areas where English
is able to be used as the language of learning and teaching from the outset, it is just as
important that learners acquire proficiency in at least one official African language. In
schools where Afrikaans is the medium of instruction, it is not unreasonable to require that in
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addition to their mother-tongue, Afrikaans-speaking learners acquire both English (as they
invariably wish to do anyway) and an African language.
From this it ought to be apparent that there can be no single language policy which would suit
every school context in South Africa. The society simply remains too disparate and
differentiated for any “one size fits all” system to be practicable or even desirable.4 What is
not unfair to expect, however, is that by the time learners leave school they will all have full
academic proficiency in at least one language (for the moment this would continue to be
English or Afrikaans) as well as some degree of academic proficiency in one and perhaps two
other official South African languages.
However, even within this ideal linguistic scenario, there are some possibly unexpected and
certainly ironic implications. For schools seriously to implement initial mother-tongue
instruction (followed later by English) means that schools would have to be divided into
particular language groupings, and learners would have to attend a school offering their
particular language. While this does happen informally to a certain degree, a formalised
policy would in effect return South Africa (at least in the primary schools) to a kind of
linguistic apartheid reminiscent of a former era. Even in the unlikely event of township
schools being able to offer parallel medium education in two or more African languages,
there would still effectively exist a language apartheid between the various classes within the
school. It is not clear whether the current proponents of mother-tongue education in this
country have thought through these matters with sufficient care.
Finally, there remains the question of individual choice, and this brings the present discussion
full circle. In any democracy parental (and learner) choice is paramount, especially when it
comes to such issues as the language in which a child is to receive his or her education. It is
no small matter that this right is enshrined in the Constitution. If, after all is said and done,
parents continue to insist, as the majority currently does,5 that their children be educated in
4
Colin Baker (2006:215f) provides a typology of bilingual education in which ten main models, each
with multitudinous sub-varieties, are discussed. Which of these models would be best for any
particular South African school is a complex matter, and is clearly best left to each specific School
Governing Body to decide.
5
This is borne out by the FutureFact 2006 survey, which reveals that, “apart from the Afrikaans
community, between 60%-67% of all other language groups feel that English is the preferred
language for education”. Indeed, of the remaining 33%-40% of the sample, less than 20% preferred
mother-tongue education (at whatever level); the remainder stating no preference. In addition to this,
82% of the sample claimed to be able to read and understand English, and, again apart from the
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English rather than their mother-tongue, then the onus rests on the State to ensure that this is
provided as effectively as possible for everyone who wants it. And if this does indeed
continue to be the will of the majority, then the State must take far more active and extensive
steps to improve the teaching and learning of English in South African schools than has
hitherto been the case. No language in education policy which is forced on the majority
against its will can ever succeed, and will serve only to perpetuate the unequal and inefficient
conditions which currently exist in South African education.
References
Baker, Colin. 2006. Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (4th edition).
Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act 108 of 1996.
Cummins, Jim. 2000. Language, Power and Pedagogy: Bilingual children in the crossfire.
Clevedon: Multilingual matters.
Department of Education. 1997. Norms and Standards Regarding Language Policy; Language
in Education Policy. Government Gazette No.685, 9 May.
FutureFact 2006 Survey. Languages. (Available at http:// www.futurefact.co.za/ 2006
survey.html.)
Herbert, Robert K. and Bailey, Richard. 2002. The Bantu Languages: Sociohistorical
perspectives. In Rajend Mesthrie (ed.) Language in South Africa, 449-475.
Cambridge: University Press.
Mackey, William F. 1992. Mother Tongues, Other Tongues and Vehicular Languages.
Perspectives 81 22(1):45-57 (my translation from the French).
Metcalfe, Mary. 2007. In Search of Quality Schooling for All. Mail & Guardian (Getting
Ahead) January 26 to February 1:4-5.
Pandor, Naledi. 2006. Language Issues and Challenges (opening address at the
Language Policy Implementation in HEIs Conference, Pretoria, 5 October.
Available
at
.
Schuring, Gerhard K. 1993. Language and Education in South Africa: a policy study.
Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council.
Afrikaans community, between 72%-77% of all other language groups believe that English should be
the main official language of South Africa.
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Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. 1981. Bilingualism or Not: the Education of Minorities. Clevedon:
Multilingual matters.
Webb, Vic, Deumert, Ana and Lepota, Biki (eds).
2005. The Standardisation of African
Languages in South Africa. Pretoria: PanSALB and the University of Pretoria.
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